Sudan The
escalating crisis in Darfur
Author:IRIN
The decades-long conflict in Sudan's Darfur region has its roots in constant neglect and tensions between
sedentary farming communities and nomads. These have been compounded by a
local drought and desertification, an expanding population and the
manipulation of ethnic rivalry.
Ironically, the main grievances - most notably competition for land and
resources - are common to all of Darfur's seven million inhabitants but have been exploited in a "divide
and rule" tactic that pits one tribal group against another, observers
say. The result has seen an escalation of fighting since early 2003, leaving
thousands of Sudanese dead, and hundreds of thousands displaced.
Occurring within a vast region of northwestern Sudan, the conflict belies the popular myth that the country is divided
along ethnic lines, between an Arab
Muslim north and a Christian or animist, black south. In Darfur,
where the vast majority of people are Muslims and Arabic-speaking, the
distinction between 'Arab' and
'African' is more cultural than racial.
Regional analysts say this raises fundamental questions about the country's
ongoing bilateral peace process, by exposing the imbalance of negotiations
that include only one of Sudan's rebel groups - the Sudan People's Liberation
Movement/Army (SPLM/A) - and only three of its so-called "marginalised
areas" - the Nuba mountains, Abyei and Southern Blue Nile.
"You can't implement a peace agreement in the midst of civil war,"
warned a western diplomat.
USE OF MILITIAS
Armed raids on rich agricultural areas of Darfur
have historically been part of the way of life for the region's Arab nomadic herders.
The minority Arabs engaged in low level skirmishes with sedentary farmers
until the 1970s. But since the mid-1980s, following a prolonged drought in
1983, skirmishes with subsistence farmers developed into larger-scale battles
as the nomads were pushed further south.
At the same time, successive northern governments began using Arab militias to crush rising dissent
in the region, including an SPLA-led rebellion in 1991-1992. Analysts say
this gave the Arab nomads
leverage with the government, which rewarded them with local administrative
positions, financial gains and arms, at the expense of the
"African" tribes.
"Government policies were instrumental in transforming 'traditional'
tribal conflict over access to receding grazing land and water into a new
type of conflict driven by a broader ethnic agenda," says the
International Crisis Group (ICG) think tank.
The fiercely independent Fur - who had ruled the independent sultanate of Darfur
(which means homeland of the Fur) until 1916 - along with the Zaghawa, Massalit and other
tribes rebelled.
The Sudan Liberation Army (SLA) rebels emerged in February 2003 as a response
to years of government-sanctioned attacks, unpopular central governance, lack
of development in the region, and an ever more precarious existence, say
analysts.
Calling for a "united, democratic Sudan", greater political autonomy and a greater share of resources,
the rebels asked the people of Darfur "of Arab
background" to join with non-Arabised
indigenous forces in the struggle against Khartoum.
SECURITY-DRIVEN RESPONSE
The government, which views the insurgency as a security threat, has called
on Darfur's
tribes to "defend" their homes and property, and support the
government's attempt to fight the rebels, the national Humanitarian Aid
Commissioner, Dr Sulaf El
Din, told IRIN. "Some are coming forward and some are not. This does not
mean that the government is biased against one group."
As a result, a militia known as the Janjaweed was
formed, comprising Sudanese and Chadian horse and camel-riding Arab nomads, opportunists and
"criminals", regional analysts said. The Janjaweed
are held responsible for much of the devastation in Darfur
and have allegedly been given support by the government. Khartoum strongly denies the accusations.
"First the soldiers arrived and started shooting and burning people's
homes, then the Janjaweed came to kill and loot
everything," said a displaced man outside Nyala
in southern Darfur.
A tribal leader in western Darfur told IRIN the army used to attack villages just before the militias
to lay the groundwork and confiscate people's weapons. "But now the
militias have been given access to good arms, they are better than the
army's," he claims.
"The Janjaweed are fighting for land and they
have found that they can fight this with the government's resources, the
whole country's resources. It's a chance they never dreamed of," a Darfur
member of parliament told IRIN.
Hundreds of villages and neighbouring farmland have been completely
destroyed. Food prices in western Darfur have increased dramatically from 1,800 Sudanese dinars
to 7,000 for a bag of millet, while commercial traffic has all but stopped. Livestock
have decreased in value as locals desperately try to sell off their cattle
before they are looted.
POLITICAL SOLUTION TO A POLITICAL PROBLEM
The government says it is trying to contain the violence and insists that the
conflict is "local", resulting from arms flowing into the region
from Chad and Libya.
"There is no rebellion in Darfur, just a local conflict among specific tribes," Information
Minister Dr Al Zhawi Ibrahim
Malik told IRIN. "The government has not armed
the militias."
He attributed the reports on militia atrocities to propaganda and exaggeration.
"Those with their own agendas are trying to give a very sad view of what
is happening," he said. "The propaganda in the west is trying to
exaggerate what is taking place in Darfur."
Observers note that the government has taken some positive steps to stem the
crisis in recent weeks.
Extra resources are being set aside for Darfur, in an apparent recognition of problems associated with the lack of
development. Peace conferences are being organised, and some of the Janjaweed have been recruited into the Popular Defence
Forces (government paramilitary units) and border intelligence units in an
attempt to give them a new role.
But regional analysts say the essentially political nature of the conflict is
not being addressed sufficiently. A western diplomat described the
security-driven response to date as being "devoid of political or social
dimensions".
Another diplomat said there were "no signs of the government ceding
power to Darfur". "Khartoum
perceives that it has already made enough concessions to the southern SPLA,
so it is determined not to lose more to its northern constituency," he
commented.
Only a handful of aid agencies have been allowed to operate in the region. Humanitarian
sources said a "lack of transparency" regarding security information
had led to travel permits being withheld for weeks. This had prevented
badly-needed aid from reaching both rebel-held and government areas.
CEASEFIRE HOPES
Meanwhile, neighbouring Chad has been brokering talks aimed at reaching a peaceful settlement to
the conflict.
But a nominal ceasefire agreement with the SLA which lasted for
three months - from September to December - was accompanied by a massive
escalation in militia attacks.
Darfur
MPs told IRIN the peace process - which broke down in December amid mutual
recriminations - was "a waste of time". Darfur's
second rebel group, the Islamist Justice and Equality Movement - a breakaway
group from the SLA - had been excluded from talks, they said, while the ceasefire was
not even respected.
Both rebel groups, which are unhappy with Chad's mediation, have said the inclusion of international monitors is a
precondition to further negotiations. But Khartoum has so far refused to allow the international community to observe
the talks, resulting in a deadlock.
"Chad
alone cannot broker peace - it is also affected by this war. Tribes from Chad are fighting in Sudan and they are affected politically so it cannot act
independently," one Darfur MP said.
Chadian President Idris Deby
is himself a Zaghawa, but remains friendly with Khartoum.
"I formally reject these allegations that Chad might be involved in the destabilisation of Sudan," he told Chadian radio. "We have the best possible
relations between our states, and between President Omar al-Bashir and myself."
According to the ICG, Deby dedicated about 2,000
troops to take part in joint operations against the SLA. He also reportedly
deported about 35 Darfur intellectuals who arrived in Chad in October to advise the politically inexperienced SLA during ceasefire
negotiations.
THE WAY FORWARD
In the absence of a ceasefire, opinions are varied
about the way out of this conflict. Observers say immediate efforts must be
made to rein in the attackers. "The government must acknowledge the
failure of its past policies, protect its civilians, stabilise the region,
and then work towards an equitable political solution with all of Darfur's
tribes," one observer said.
The UN has called for an internationally monitored "humanitarian
ceasefire" that would automatically lead to more international aid, a
larger international presence on the ground, less insecurity, and space for
further talks.
A growing number of voices including the SLA say Darfur
should be discussed as part of the wider Sudanese peace process. "There
has to be a peace settlement in Darfur before signing a comprehensive agreement [with the SPLA]," said
one Darfur
MP. "It has to be treated equally with the rest of the marginalised
areas. If they are given their autonomy, then it also has to be done to Darfur."
But others say this would hold up the Kenya talks with the SPLA unnecessarily, and be viewed as a
"reward" for armed insurrection.
In the long-term, observers say, the peace process - brokered by the regional
Inter-Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD) - will probably help to
address Darfur's
political grievances, by automatically leading to federalism, more
development, wider participation in the political arena and access to
resources.
The blueprints for the disputed areas of the Nuba
mountains, Abyei and southern Blue Nile will likely serve to
deal with the Darfur situation. SPLA leader John Garang has also
warned that as a governing side during the interim period, it will not be a
party to repression in the region.
But while the debate continues, people continue to die.
Even now, with 25,000 people forced to flee in December alone into
neighbouring Chad,
Darfur
is receiving relatively little international attention.
One donor described reaction to the conflict as a "collectively
mishandled crisis".
A combination of a lack of accurate information on the conflict, exacerbated
by few aid agencies being able to work on the ground and little media
coverage have meant that the conflict has not received the attention it
deserves, he said.
"Humanitarians' reluctance to threaten the wider peace process, and an
emphasis on post-conflict planning and development, have
also hindered a quick response," he added. "We could have done
better, if we had kept it on the agenda."
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